Wooden cigarette holder with depiction of Absalom's tomb, ca. 1950, Jerusalem, JMS 1246,

Besamim container (spice box), 1900-1930, Jerusalem, JMS 1205.

Flower album in wooden cover with inlay work, 1910-1920, Jerusalem, JMS 1339.

Besamim container with depiction of the Western Wall and of the Kings' graves, Souvenir from Mandate Palestine, 1900-1950, JMS 772.

«Jewish settlers invested in tree planting»

Netta Cohen on Zionist Attitudes towards Climate

The Jewish Museum’s coll­ec­tion includes a group of woo­den objects from Otto­man and Man­da­te Pal­es­ti­ne, inclu­ding spi­ce boxes and flower albums. The­se sou­ve­nirs testi­fy to the ear­ly Zio­nists’ inte­rest in tree plan­ting and eco­lo­gy. Muse­um direc­tor Nao­mi Lubrich cor­re­spon­ded with Net­ta Cohen, a Juni­or Rese­arch Fel­low at Oxford University’s Christ Church Col­lege, about the Zio­nist affore­sta­ti­on pro­jects she descri­bes in her recent book New Under the Sun: Ear­ly Zio­nist Encoun­ters with the Cli­ma­te in Pal­es­ti­ne.

Nao­mi Lubrich: Dear Net­ta, you stu­dy ear­ly Zio­nist atti­tu­des toward cli­ma­te. Why was tree plan­ting important for Jews in Palestine?

Net­ta Cohen: Jewish sett­lers inves­ted in tree plan­ting for natio­nal, cul­tu­ral, eco­no­mic, and eco­lo­gi­cal reasons. Initi­al­ly, in the ear­ly 20th cen­tu­ry, their moti­va­ti­on was eco­no­mic; they wan­ted to plant fruit trees for cul­ti­va­ti­on. Howe­ver, by 1912, the Jewish Natio­nal Fund (JNF) shifted to plan­ting resi­li­ent, non-fruit-bea­ring trees, like pine and cypress, espe­ci­al­ly on rocky lands unsui­ta­ble for agri­cul­tu­re. This shift respon­ded, among other things, to the Otto­man law, which declared uncul­ti­va­ted land as sta­te pro­per­ty. Thus, plan­ting trees hel­ped expand the ‹Jewish fron­tier› in Palestine.

Ano­ther reason rela­ted to Bibli­cal descrip­ti­ons of the land in Judeo-Chris­ti­an tra­di­ti­on. Many Euro­pean Jews and Chris­ti­ans in Pal­es­ti­ne belie­ved the scrip­tures descri­bed ‹ori­gi­nal› land­scapes and wis­hed to res­to­re their assu­med lush woods and anci­ent forests.

Final­ly, the Zio­nists aimed to ‹impro­ve› the local cli­ma­te. In the late 19th cen­tu­ry, deserts and semi-arid regi­ons were not always con­side­red as natu­ral eco­sys­tems but rather defi­ci­ent eco­lo­gies resul­ting from alle­ged local negle­ct. A com­mon solu­ti­on was to plant trees, which they hoped would pro­vi­de sha­de, stop the encroach­ment of sand dunes, and pre­vent soil erosion.

NL: How did bota­nists and agri­cul­tu­ral spe­cia­lists deci­de what trees to plant?

NC: In the ear­ly 20th cen­tu­ry, the flo­ra in Pal­es­ti­ne most­ly con­sis­ted of maquis and gar­ri­gue, shrubs, and small oaks. Howe­ver, neither the Bri­tish nor the Zio­nists were par­ti­cu­lar­ly inte­res­ted in or fami­li­ar with the ‹ori­gi­nal› flo­ra of the coun­try. Ins­tead, they intro­du­ced trees to Pal­es­ti­ne that had not pre­vious­ly grown the­re. The Jewish sett­lers, edu­ca­ted in Euro­pe, accli­ma­ti­zed seve­ral plants and ani­mals fami­li­ar to them from Wes­tern count­ries. Alter­na­tively, they con­sul­ted with other Euro­pean sett­lers resi­ding in warm regi­ons, thus, accli­ma­tiz­ing plants from places like Tune­sia, Aus­tra­lia, New Zea­land, and California.

For exam­p­le, Palestine’s first lar­ge forest was plan­ted bet­ween 1895 and 1899 in Hade­ra by Rothschild’s deve­lo­p­ment agen­cy and the Pal­es­ti­ne Jewish Colo­niza­ti­on Asso­cia­ti­on. This pro­ject was initi­al­ly inten­ded to drain swamps. The deve­lo­pers purcha­sed 250,000 euca­lyp­tus seeds from Alge­ria, whe­re French sett­lers had estab­lished lar­ge euca­lyp­tus forests. In the 1920s, euca­lyp­tus trees, which had pre­vious­ly held a pro­mi­nent posi­ti­on, were repla­ced by pine trees. Pines were resi­li­ent, they grew rela­tively quick­ly, and they crea­ted a distinct­ly Euro­pean landscape.

NL: What was the signi­fi­can­ce of oli­ve trees?

NC: Oli­ves are among the most fre­quent­ly men­tio­ned fruits in the sacred texts of the three mono­the­i­stic reli­gi­ons, with 66 refe­ren­ces (48 in the Hebrew Bible, twel­ve in the Chris­ti­an Bible, and seven in the Quran). Palaeo­bo­ta­ni­cal and archaeo­lo­gi­cal rese­arch shows that oli­ve oil has been a die­ta­ry stap­le in the eas­tern Medi­ter­ra­ne­an sin­ce late pre­his­to­ric times. In anti­qui­ty, oli­ve oil was used for coo­king, as an oint­ment, and as fuel for lamps. For cen­tu­ries, it was a valuable com­mo­di­ty for regio­nal trade. From the 16th cen­tu­ry onwards, Pal­es­ti­ni­an vil­la­ges often paid taxes to the Otto­man aut­ho­ri­ties in bar­rels of oli­ve oil. An Ara­bic idi­om, still used today, says, «A per­son who has oil will never be poor.» The Ara­bic word for oil is ‹zeit,› (from zeit­oon, oli­ve) which illus­tra­tes how deep­ly oli­ve oil is embedded in Arab cul­tu­re and cui­sine. The abun­dance of oli­ve oil in Pal­es­ti­ne made it one of the country’s most expor­ted goods start­ing in the late 18th cen­tu­ry, par­ti­cu­lar­ly from Jabal Nab­lus and neigh­bor­ing villages.

In Jewish tra­di­ti­on, oli­ve oil has sym­bo­li­zed the con­nec­tion bet­ween the Jewish peo­p­le and the Land of Isra­el for cen­tu­ries. The holi­day of Hanuk­kah, which glo­ri­fies light and honors oil, is cele­bra­ted around Decem­ber, right after the oli­ve har­ve­st sea­son, when annu­al oil pro­duc­tion beg­ins. Howe­ver, throug­hout the cen­tu­ries, the sym­bo­lic signi­fi­can­ce of oli­ve oil in Juda­ism beca­me some­what detached from its agri­cul­tu­ral rea­li­ty. Despi­te its aspi­ra­ti­on to renew agri­cul­tu­ral acti­vi­ty in Pal­es­ti­ne by also glo­ri­fy­ing anci­ent bibli­cal crops, the Zio­nist pro­ject did not signi­fi­cant­ly alter this rea­li­ty. For most of the 20th cen­tu­ry, Jewish-Israe­lis show­ed limi­t­ed inte­rest in oli­ve tree cul­ti­va­ti­on and oli­ve oil pro­duc­tion and con­sump­ti­on. This began to chan­ge only in the late 1990s, alig­ning with new health and culina­ry trends.

NL: What do we know about ear­ly know­ledge exch­an­ges with local inha­bi­tants regar­ding agriculture?

NC: During the first half of the 20th cen­tu­ry, Jewish far­mers and agri­cul­tu­ral experts often dis­re­gard­ed local cus­toms in favor of what they con­side­red advan­ced Wes­tern agri­cul­tu­ral sci­ence and tech­no­lo­gy. When they did stu­dy local far­ming methods, they often appro­pria­ted them, describ­ing them as anci­ent or Bibli­cal. For exam­p­le, Arab and Bedouin far­mers, known as fall­a­hin, reli­ed on dew for wate­ring crops as a dry far­ming tech­ni­que for cen­tu­ries. Dew was par­ti­cu­lar­ly effec­ti­ve for cul­ti­vat­ing water­me­lons and sorg­hum, which grow in sum­mer. Howe­ver, Jewish experts pre­sen­ted this tech­ni­que as a revi­val of an anci­ent Bibli­cal prac­ti­ce, in line with Zio­nist ideo­lo­gy. One of the fore­most Jewish pro­pon­ents of using dew in agri­cul­tu­re was Shi­mon Duv­de­va­ni, a Jewish bio­lo­gist and tea­cher at the agri­cul­tu­ral secon­da­ry school of Par­des Han­na. Bet­ween 1936 and 1943, Duv­de­va­ni estab­lished no fewer than 80 dew sta­ti­ons in Pal­es­ti­ne. His sci­en­ti­fic work on the sub­ject gar­ne­red con­sidera­ble atten­ti­on among Bri­tish experts throug­hout the Empire. An artic­le about Duvdevani’s work, published in the Bri­tish jour­nal Wea­ther in July 1947, wide­ly dis­se­mi­na­ted the idea that the use of dew in agri­cul­tu­re was an anci­ent Jewish practice.

NL: Dear Net­ta, thank you very much for your insights!

verfasst am 23.09.2024